拍品描述： 1779 John Paul Jones reverse cliche. As Betts-568. White metal. Original. Workshop of Augustin Dupre. 57.2 mm, 782.2 grains. 1.8 - 3.2 mm thick. Choice About Uncirculated.Plain trimmed edge. Paper backed, with fiber covering the entirety of the blank back. A handsome and stout splasher, boldly struck from an early state of Dupres original die. Silver gray with smooth lustrous surfaces and some hints of pale blue toning. Some marks are seen, along with trivial hairlines and a natural pit near 12:00 at the rim. A few raised specks hidden among the sails do not affect the positive visual appeal. Some striations are present in the exergue, as struck. The back is covered with thick paper, now bearing a modern pen inscription in French (perhaps written over an older pencil inscription). This is both higher grade and better preserved than the Ford reverse cliche, the only other reverse Jones cliche known to us. An important piece, acquired privately and apparently never before offered at public auction.<p><p><strong>A Note On Trials: Cliches, Epreuves, and Splashers </strong><p><p>The Adams Collection of Comitia Americana and related medals is uniquely enriched by several specimens of a unique form of medallic production that is known by several different names. Typically struck from a die in its earliest state, usually before hardening, these trials were called epreuves - proofs - in the original French correspondence between Dupre and Duvivier and the Founding Fathers charged with the acquisition of the medals the Continental Congress authorized. In more modern numismatic literature, they are more often called cliches or splashers, the latter term being a fair description of just how these trials were made.<p>Unhardened dies are incredibly susceptible to damage, as 18th century die steel (and modern steel today) is brittle before it is hardened by quenching. Once a die is hardened, modification becomes very difficult, so if changes need to be made, they need to be done in that fragile, unhardened state. Engravers in major mints - Paris especially - were accustomed to making soft metal impressions as something of a proofreading copy, enabling the negative die to be viewed in the positive in rough draft form. Wax impressions were liable to leave bits of wax in the interstices of design elements, thus engravers settled upon tin (usually called "white metal" in modern numismatic circles) as the best medium.<p><p>Tin melts at 450 degrees Fahrenheit, a low enough melting point to be accomplished in any small workshop. A ladle full of molten tin poured onto a surface will cool and harden fairly quickly, but remain soft long enough that a die can be easily pushed into it by hand, leaving a relatively durable impression in medal. Most often, medalists would find a piece of scrap paper - a note, a newspaper, a book page - to pour the tin atop, thus preventing their workspace from getting scorched and making the tin sheet somewhat easier to lift and trim. <p><p>These splashers were not intended to be medals, or even permanent, but simply a temporary way to display the state of the die in the positive before its devices were rendered immovable. Each was personally crafted by the engraver in his shop. In the case of the Comitia Americana medals, the epreuves made by Duvivier, Dupre, and Gatteaux were ultimately intended to be viewed and handled by themselves and those close to the process. Benjamin Franklin reviewed the epreuves of the De Fleury medal between April 20 and May 4, 1780, then made recommendations regarding the lettering in the obverse exergue that were adopted by Duvivier. He later did the same with his Libertas Americana medal, correcting a spelling error on the reverse. Engraver Augustin Dupre retained many of his splashers in his personal collection, some of which found their way into institutions in France and the United States, some of which are in the present sale.<p><p>Thomas Jefferson used cliches as a spendthrift (and lightweight) way to collect all the medals of the Comitia Americana series, assembling a set for himself and another for his Virginia countryman James Madison. As he was preparing to depart Paris in September 1789, he wrote to Madison to let him know of the boxes he was shipping, including a box of books and several crates full of Houdons John Paul Jones busts that the sitter wanted to have distributed in America. <p><p><em>I have put a collection of the proofs in tin of the medals voted by the U. S. (except two, of which the dies are in America) the medals themselves not being allowed to be taken, I desired the workmen to let me have two sets of their last proofs; for their manner is, as their work proceeds, to make impressions of it in pure tin, in order to correct &c. These proofs are in fact more delicate than the medals themselves, and the last of them shew the impressions complete. I have had them arranged in a frame, under glass &c. & beg your acceptance of them.</em><p><p>By "delicate," Jefferson did not mean fragile, but well-detailed. The modern whereabouts of these sets are unknown; it is very possible that some proportion of either of these sets are in the current sale.<p><p>Jeffersons set left Monticello in February 1798 in the hands of an enslaved man named York, who Jeffersons son-in-law and overseer, the abusive drunkard Thomas Mann Randolph, called "allmost (sic) an idiot." Randolph told Jefferson that the thief had confessed, listing off an inventory of items from Jeffersons chambers including "some impressions in lead & tin of Dies of the Medals & Coins." He continued "I have some hope of recovering the proofs of Medals (tis from the description I conclude they are out) I have traced one to a Negroe of the neighbourhood who bt. it of York but he says he has lost it." The historical record on the theft and recovery thereafter falls silent; Jefferson wrote several consecutive letters to Randolph after the receipt of this letter but never acknowledged the incident. Two different men named York were enslaved by Jefferson concurrently, one of whom was inherited from the estate of Jeffersons father-in-law in 1774 and described as a "Waterman," the other of whom was born in 1781 and labored at Monticello. Presumably the York involved here was the latter of these two, aged 17 at the time of his act of resistance against Jeffersons authority.<p><p>Today, cliches of each of the Comitia Americana medals are extremely rare, with populations in the low single digits. There is not a single issue in this format that is known to the extent of 8 or 10 pieces. Matched sets of obverse and reverse are the exception rather than the rule. Each of the survivors is an accident, a piece that was made to serve a purpose at a moment in time, not produced for long-term preservation in a cabinet. Their historicity is exceptional, as each survivor was not only in the hands of the medals engraver, but likely in the hands of Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, David Humphreys, or a small number of others. Their rarity surpasses that of their normally struck cognates in nearly every circumstance.<p><p>With the possible exception of the Charles Senter Collection, sold at auction in 1933, no cabinet has ever included such a wide array of these historic rarities as the John Adams Collection.<p><p><strong><em>Bonhomme Richard</em> vs. <em>HMS Serapis</em></strong><p><strong>The Action: </strong><p>John Paul Jones, then more commonly called "Paul Jones," was considered a pirate by the British. Leading a small flotilla of French ships (accompanied by one American-built vessel), Jones was the captain of the <em>Bonhomme Richard</em>, named "Poor Richard" in honor of every Frenchmans favorite American, Benjamin Franklin.<p>Beginning in early 1778, Jones and his sailors kept pressure on British shipping and naval vessels from a base in the Brittany port of LOrient. A native of Scotland and a veteran of the Royal Navy, Jones knew the waters of the British Isles well, ably sneaking up on British prizes despite typically being outgunned.<p>As American allies France and Spain made their way toward Great Britain with the Armada of 1779, John Paul Jones and his coterie of ships served as a diversion, making their way to the Irish coast. His feint did not end at, or even threaten, Ireland, but instead made its way overtop of Scotland, into the North Sea, and down the east coast of England.<p>Once there, Jones basically got lucky, running into a substantial convoy of British trading vessels. The British fifth-rate warship HMS <em>Serapis </em>served watch over the 41 ships. Stacked with 44 guns, she was a bit stronger than the longer 42-gun <em>Bonhomme Richard</em>, which had the benefit of the 36-gun <em>Alliance</em> as backup. The <em>Serapis</em> was accompanied by a much smaller vessel, the 22-gun <em>Countess of Scarborough</em>, giving the overall advantage to Jones squadron. The engagement began on the evening of September 23, with the <em>Alliance</em> meeting the <em>Countess of Scarborough</em> while Jones <em>Bonhomme Richard</em> took on the Serapis.<p>John Paul Jones brought his ship close enough to the <em>Serapis</em> to literally tangle the two ships, followed by an unusually brutal series of close broadsides, grenade drops, and man-to-man mayhem. With American sailors tossing incendiary devices from the rigging of the <em>Bonhomme Richard</em> into the hold of the <em>Serapis</em> while the British unleashed their guns, both ships were quickly injured and aflame. Both sides tried to board the other vessel. Both failed. When Captain Richard Pearson hollered to Jones and demanded his surrender, Jones yelled back the words that would make him a legend: "Sir, I have not yet begun to fight!"<p>The terrifying damage to the <em>Serapis</em>, along with the loss of half her crew, forced Pearson to surrender before midnight. The Americans, though victorious, had lost nearly 150 men killed and wounded, and Jones devastated flagship would sink the next day. Fortunately, Jones was able to capture both the <em>Serapis</em> and the <em>Countess of Scarborough</em>, limp them to the Dutch port of Texel, and live to fight another day.<p>Word of Jones victory in English waters spread like wildfire across Europe, making him an instant hero in France. On October 3, 1779, Jones wrote Benjamin Franklin, then in Paris, a long letter describing the battle. Franklin wrote back on October 15, acknowledging Jones concerns about the behavior of Captain Pierre Landais of the <em>Alliance</em>. A court martial ensued over Landais conduct, and the drama - along with Jones generally unpleasant personality - cast a shadow over the action. Congress would not vote Jones a medal for his taking of the Serapis until 1787.<p><strong>The Resolution:</strong><p><em>Resolved Unanimously That a medal of gold be struck and presented to the Chevalier John Paul Jones in commemoration of the valour and brilliant services of that Officer in the command of a squadron of french and American ships under the flag and commission of the United States off the coast of England Great Britain in the late war; And that the Honorable Mr Jefferson Minister plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles have the same executed with the proper devices.</em><p><em>Resolved That a letter be written to his Most Christian Majesty informing him that the United States in Congress Assembled have bestowed upon the Chevalier John Paul Jones this medal as well in consideration of the distinguished marks of approbation which his Majesty has been pleased to confer upon that Officer as from a sense of his merit; And that as it is his earnest desire to acquire greater knowledge in his profession, it would be acceptable to Congress that his Majesty would be pleased to permit him to embark with his fleets of evolution; convinced that he can no where else so well acquire that knowledge which may hereafter render him more extensively useful.</em><p><em>- Continental Congress Resolution of October 16, 1787</em><p><strong>The Acquisition:</strong><p>As might be imagined of a Scottish fellow who made his living acting like a pirate on the high seas, Jones was a bit of a tough customer, a pest who thought highly of himself, wrote very long letters very frequently, and was generally rather disagreeable. Its sort of a miracle Congress ever voted him a medal, even almost a decade after his most famous maritime escapade. <p>John Jay wrote to Thomas Jefferson on October 24, 1787, with a parcel of documents, including "A certified Copy of an act of the 16 Octr. Inst: directing you to have a Medal struck in honor of Chevalier Jones, and a copy of a Letter to his most Christian Majesty of the same Date on the same Subject." By this time, Jefferson had been in Paris for three years, serving as the Minister Plenipotentiary, and he had already been working on Comitia Americana medals for a few years. Jefferson appears to have met Jones for the first time about December 1787, when Jones wrote Jefferson in a private letter advising him that he had just arrived in Paris and asked that Jefferson keep his arrival a secret. Jones asked Jefferson to come to apartment 1 of the Hotel de Beauvais, Rue des Vieux Augustines, and ask for "the gentleman just arrived." Jones needed Jeffersons help to free his prizes from the battle with the Serapis, which had been taken to a Danish port and impounded. Because of a century-old treaty with England, the Danes could not pay off Jones for his captured vessels but were bound to return them to the English. Jones wanted his medal, but much more than that, he wanted Jeffersons help in getting paid.<p>Jones does not appear to have brought up his medal to Jefferson for almost a year, until he wrote a letter "on Board the Wolodimer before Oczacoff," afloat with Russias Black Sea Fleet near the modern Ukrainian coast. Jones instructed Jefferson: <p><em>I shall want four Gold Medals as soon as the Dies are finished. I must present one to the United States, another to the King of France, and I cannot do less than offer one to the Empress. As you will keep the Dies for me, it is my intention to have some more Gold Medals struck; therefore I beg you, in the mean time not to permit the striking of a single Silver or Copper Medal. </em><p>Jones also sent information that would helpful in the design of the medal. <p><em>I send inclosed an Extract of my Journal on my Expedition from France to Holland in the Year 1779, for the Information of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres. I trust at the same time more to your Judgement than to theirs. There is a Medalist who executed three Medals for me in Wax. One of them is the Battle between the Bon-homme-Richard and the Serapis. The Position of the two Ships is not much amiss, but the accessory figures are much too near the principal Objects; and he has placed them to windward instead of being, as they really were, to Leeward of the Bon-Homme-Richard and Serapis. I do not at this moment recollect the Medallists Name; but he lives on the 3d or 4th Stage at a Marble Cutters, almost opposite, but a Little higher than your former House, Cul de Sac Rue Taitebout and may be easily found. It would be of use to see the medal he has made, although it is by no means to be Copyed. </em><p>Jean-Martin Renauds wax medallion of the battle inspired a print that is illustrated in Volume 16 of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, which shows that Renauds work most certainly informed Dupres reverse design without serving as a direct source to copy. As the editors of the Jefferson Papers note, "Jones most recent biographer, Samuel Eliot Morison, regards the reverse of the Dupre medal as the most accurate visual depiction of the battle, but points out that Renauds rendition of the scene is nevertheless more accurate in one respect: it correctly shows the Serapis at anchor."<p>By this point, Jean-Antoine Houdons bust of Jones had been completed; it would make a sufficient model for the obverse. Jones wrote Jefferson from St. Petersburg in January 1789 with more autobiographical information that the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres would find useful in determining the designs and legends. Jefferson received the completed design information from the Academy soon thereafter, and sent what he received off to Augustin Dupre on February 13, 1789, in a letter that also included the inscriptions for the Morgan at Cowpens medal. Jefferson suggested that the dies should be capable of striking 350 of each medal in gold, silver, or copper. While the mintage of the Morgan medal was far below that, the original dies of the Jones medal survived in working condition well into the 19th century and may have made ten times that figure! Jefferson asked Dupre for "les epreuves en etain au fin du mois de mars prochain" - proofs (i.e. cliches or splashers) in tin at the end of March.<p>Jefferson paid Augustin Dupre for the dies of the medal on March 2 and updated Jones on March 23.<p><em>Having been enabled to carry into execution the orders for the Medals, I have contracted with workmen for them, and they are all in hand. Yours is to be executed by Dupre, who is I think the best among them; and it will be done in the course of the summer. My instructions as to these medals are general, to wit; I am to deliver one of gold or silver (as the case may be) to the person who is the subject; to send one of silver to every sovereign and one of copper to every university of Europe (Gr. Britain excepted) 200 copies to Congress and one a piece to La Fayette, Rochambeau, Destaing, and Degrasse. I am at liberty to deliver no others, not even at the orders and expense of the persons who are the subjects of the medals. But your wish will be fulfilled as to the Empress, because I shall send her a suite of the whole medals under the general order. </em><p><em></em>Jefferson left for the United States in September 1789, his work on this medal finished except for the products receipt and delivery. Dupre took a while to finish his work and delivered it to William Short, Jeffersons former assistant who picked up where he left off. On December 15, Short wrote to John Jay "the medal executed here for Commodore P. Jones, by order of Congress, has lately been received by me and Mr. Grand has paid the Artist its amount agreeable to the contract with Mr. Jefferson, out of the money deposited in his hands for that purpose." <p>Short had a silver medal struck for Jefferson - probably to add to the set presented to President Washington - and sent it to him on August 22, 1790. "I send by the bearer your silver medal of P. Jones which you desired should be made for you. I omitted sending it with your furniture. It has been a long time since I have had the pleasure of hearing from you." Jefferson, who also had a set of splashers in his collection of Monticello, reminded Short of his need for appropriate cliches from the Jones medal on January 24, 1791: "I must pray you to keep in mind and execute the commissions for the clock (which must come entirely by water from Paris to this place) and two epreuves detains of P. Joness medal." Short finally sent them in June, telling Jefferson "You will receive by M. Kellerman who goes to join M. Ternant at Rochefort the tin proofs of P. Joness medal which you desired."<p><strong>The Presentation: </strong><p>While some Comitia Americana medals were presented with florid letters, we have little idea what words accompanied the delivery of Jones congressional prize. William Short wrote to Thomas Jefferson from Paris on May 9, 1790, and mentioned near the end of a long letter "P. Jones has this moment arrived here from London. It is from him I get the intelligence of the press of seamen, which I have interlined above, after having written my letter. I have delivered him his medal."<p>From there, the medal disappears into history. It was not present when his estate was sold - though Gouverneur Morris, his executor, purchased his Society of the Cincinnati eagle badge, his French Order of Merit, and two swords. <p>The dies survived in the Paris Mint, producing several generations of restrikes, until they were delivered to the Philadelphia Mint in 1905. In 1947, they were used to produce a replacement gold medal, which is currently on display in John Paul Jones crypt beneath the United States Naval Academy chapel in Annapolis.<p><strong>The John Paul Jones Medal:</strong><p><strong>Obverse:</strong> A simple design based on Jean-Antoine Houdons majestic bust of Jones, in military attire and epaulets, his hair neatly tied in a queue. Jones faces right, framed by the legend JOANNI PAVLO JONES CLASSIS PRAEFECTO or "John Paul Jones, commander of the fleet. COMITIA AMERICANA appears below, and Dupre signed the bust truncation boldly Dupre F.<p><strong>Reverse: </strong>We cannot improve upon this description from the January 1904 issue of the American Journal of Numismatics. "The combat with the Serapis. The ships are fighting side by side, the British frigate in the foreground under sail to the right; her broadside, though that farthest from her enemy, is shown as badly injured. The Bon Homme Richard, with her bow in the opposite direction, is largely concealed by her adversary, and of her masts only the foremast appears, the topsails backed. The smoke of battle rising between the vessels, floats to the left; two sailors are in the sea clinging to a spar, and another British ship is in the distance. Legend, above, HOSTIVUM NAVIBVS CAPTIS AVT FVGATIS. In the exergue in three lines, the last separated by a rule from those above, AD ORAM SCOTIAE XXIII. SEPT. | M. D. CC LXXVIIII | DVPRE. F. (The ships of the enemy captured or put to flight, off the shore of Scotland, Sept. 23, 1779.)"<p>While the Academy of Inscriptions and Belle-Lettres typically did good work, they failed on this reverse: the battle took place off the shore of England, roughly 175 miles south of the Scottish border.<p><p><p>From the John W. Adams Collection. Acquired from William Goetz. Earlier, from a French fixed price list.